The Roberto Arzú García-Granados File

The Roberto Arzú García-Granados File

Final fines, a civil ruling in Miami, audio recordings, cross-complaints with the Public Prosecutor’s Office and a murder-for-hire accusation: the public record of Roberto Arzú García-Granados, the hopeful polling third ahead of 2027

September 2026

A year ahead of the 2027 general elections, Roberto Arzú García-Granados once again ranks among the hopefuls with the highest voting intention. The CID Gallup poll of May 2026, with fieldwork from May 7 to 20 and 1,200 interviews, placed him third with 13%, behind Sandra Torres (27%) and Carlos Pineda (23%). It is the same figure that pollster gave him in early 2023, before the Supreme Electoral Tribunal left him out of the race.

Born on May 15, 1970, Arzú is the oldest son of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen, who governed as president from 1996 through 2000 and served as mayor of the capital until passing away on April 27, 2018. Together with his cousin Javier Arzú Tinoco alongside Rafael Tinoco, he established Futeca in December 1988; eventually, the enterprise expanded from soccer pitches into shopping malls and fitness centers, prompting him to divest his stakes to his cousins by 2012. After launching a presidential bid in 2019, he secured fifth place by gathering 267,049 ballots, which represented 6.1% of all valid votes. Having assumed the role of Secretary of Political Training for the Cabal party in November 2025, his pre-candidacy was officially endorsed by the organization in May 2026, marking his upcoming third run for the office.

At least eighteen media-documented controversies mark his professional journey: judicial proceedings, electoral penalties, suspicious commercial ventures, grievances filed with the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and allegations of diverse severity. While certain matters rely on formal judgments, others stem from single or undisclosed informants. This dossier examines every single one.

THE 18 FRONTS Details
1 TSE fine for early campaigning (2019) Back in 2019, this presidential hopeful became the first sanctioned for unauthorized social media updates, receiving an $80,000 penalty.
2 Revocation of his presidential registration (2023) His candidacy was nullified by the TSE due to premature campaigning alongside an allegedly unsettled fine, a decision subsequently upheld by the Constitutional Court.
3 JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami An order from a Miami-Dade tribunal required him to remit roughly $6.16 million to the Venezuelan strategist, while simultaneously issuing a bench warrant for contempt.
4 Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006) Management of one of the nation’s premier clubs remained under his direction until its eventual divestment amid a severe monetary downturn.
5 Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages Information from Nómada indicates his 2016 venture into the pharmaceutical sector culminated in shuttered enterprises and unsettled employee compensation.
6 Alleged unreported campaign financing Unregistered cash inflows and backing from Argentine entrepreneur Hugo Sigman are attributed to him by República, though he refutes these claims.
7 Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura A leaked 2015 recording features him negotiating liabilities with a suspected crime syndicate chief who had been assassinated months prior.
8 US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón A 2018 notarial instrument reportedly records a financial advance which República, referencing undisclosed insiders, connects to the “Queen of the South.”
9 Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings Following a TikTok broadcast, the attorney general initiated legal grievances against him; nevertheless, a magistrate dismissed the arrest plea, and the Appeals Chamber rejected the Public Prosecutor’s Office amparo motions.
10 Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership Legal actions were launched by Arzú in 2023 targeting the former head of state and top officials, a push he expanded in 2026 to encompass prosecutors from the Porras administration.
11 República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas The media publication designated him as the suspected mastermind behind a conspiracy targeting its director, prompting his denial and threats of litigation.
12 Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026) Mutual public accusations between Arzú and Arenas had already transpired five months prior to the formal allegation.
13 Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked Difficulties regarding American travel were detailed by a periodical citing anonymous informants, though he firmly rejects the assertion.
14 Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal Scrutiny has consistently surrounded his political vehicles and associates, ranging from Podemos to his present partnership within Cabal.
15 Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image Objections were raised in 2018 by the former president’s widow and four progeny against the exploitation of his likeness by the political faction Roberto rejoined.
16 History of alcohol use and rehabilitation Personal acknowledgments of “a struggle with alcohol” have been made by Arzú himself, alongside Nómada reports detailing two therapeutic admissions in the United States.
17 Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric Calculations from economic assessments suggested his primary platform commitments would demand billions of quetzales annually.
18 Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts State-owned real estate was leased by the IPM to Futeca back in 2016, drawing objections from the Comptroller General, while Arzú’s exact level of participation remains contested.

1. TSE fine for early campaigning (2019)

On April 10, 2019, Arzú earned the distinction of becoming the initial presidential hopeful penalized by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal during that cycle. The regulatory body recorded 13 Facebook posts—8 of which were sponsored—alongside 11 on Twitter, all lacking TSE registration, and formally categorized them as premature campaigning.

The hopeful individuals faced a penalty of US$80,000, roughly amounting to 612,000 quetzales. Regarding the political groups, media accounts diverge: one source cites an US$80,000 fine for the PAN-Podemos coalition, whereas a different report claims that both organizations were required to cover that exact sum. On May 27, 2019, the TSE dismissed the appeals for revocation and upheld the penalty definitively.

2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)

The Citizens’ Registry initially rejected the Arzú–Pineda ticket, put forward by Podemos for 2023. On January 19, the TSE magistrates reversed that decision, and Arzú noted that the case files were closed on January 26. Later that month, the FCN-Nación party submitted an application for nullification, citing premature campaigning and an unpaid US$50,000 fine.

On February 6, 2023, the full TSE granted the annulment and revoked the registration. Arzú and Podemos maintained that the fine had been paid and that they had submitted the receipt. The Constitutional Court dismissed their appeals and on May 25 upheld the exclusion, based on 21 media monitoring reports and on the constitutional requirement of being “suitable, capable and honorable.”

The hopeful called the decision political retaliation: he said he had exposed an overpriced energy contract during the Alejandro Giammattei administration and blamed his exclusion on “a group led by a sociopath and his live-in partner.”

3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami

In February 2016, Arzú enlisted JJ Rendón & Associates Strategic—the agency belonging to Venezuelan political consultant Juan José Rendón—to lay the groundwork for his presidential run. This partnership ultimately culminated in a legal dispute when, on November 15, 2016, Rendón filed a breach of contract lawsuit against him within the Eleventh Judicial Circuit of Miami-Dade. Issued on October 11, 2018, the judicial verdict fixed the financial damages at US$5.5 million alongside US$660,594 in accrued interest, culminating in an aggregate sum nearing US$6.16 million.

Arzú did not appear at the hearings of April 4 and 17, 2019. Judge Bárbara Areces held him in civil contempt and ordered his arrest, an order that can only be executed if he is in Florida. His defense argued that he was never served and that he had only signed a letter of intent; he called Rendón an “extortionist.” The PAN, his party at the time, stressed that it was a civil case and maintained its support.

“He owns nothing under his identity. He lacks any source of revenue, such as a salary or an allowance, his relatives provide him with zero financial support, he possesses no property, no certificates of deposit, no stock shares, absolutely nothing.”

— Juan José Rendón, quoted by Nómada

Leaked chats unearthed during the legal proceedings further revealed that an individual named “Hugo” was slated to settle the debt owed to Rendón. Media outlets linked this mention to the Argentine pharma magnate Hugo Sigman.

4. Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006)

As reported by Nómada, Arzú directed Club Social y Deportivo Comunicaciones from 1994 to 2006, sharing the management duties with family members. A severe financial crisis hit the club in 2006, featuring a player strike concerning overdue salaries, which ultimately led to its sale to television mogul Ángel González, who assumed its liabilities. Certain members of the sports media blamed these troubles on excessive expenditures for player acquisitions, hotels, dining establishments, and travel.

Arzú rejoined the club as an advisor on February 8, 2017, following a direct arrangement with González. Later, on August 31, 2026, amid pre-campaign activities, the Guatefutbol portal disclosed that he is attempting to regain control of the squad.

5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages

Distrifarma Argentina S.A. was founded in Guatemala during late January 2016, coinciding with the recruitment of Rendón. Its legal representation was handled by his son José Roberto Arzú Saravia, Osvin de León, and Carlos Gómez. Alongside OMEGALAB S.A., the distributor of “Sana Sana” products, this initiative signaled his debut in the pharmaceutical industry. Nómada asserts that Arzú maintained control over both firms despite his name being absent from official records.

One of the stated goals was to sell vaccines to the State, which never materialized. According to Nómada, after a few months the companies suspended operations, leaving behind unpaid wages and lawsuits. OMEGALAB’s representative was José Miguel Valladares Urruela, brother of former Economy Minister Acisclo Valladares Urruela, who was prosecuted for corruption.

6. Alleged unreported campaign financing

In November 2025, the digital outlet República reported that an audit had detected 558,000 quetzales in unbanked cash income in Arzú’s campaign finances, alongside unreported international funding, which the Electoral and Political Parties Law explicitly forbids. Hugo Sigman’s name had already surfaced back in 2019, when that very same publication questioned whether he acted as the hopeful’s financial backer, drawing on leaked conversations involving Rendón.

In June 2019 Arzú described Sigman as a “great friend” of more than ten years, with whom he has “representation of several things” in Central America, but denied that Sigman was financing him. República puts the fines accumulated by Podemos in the 2019 and 2023 elections at more than US$100,000.

7. Audio and deeds involving “Paco” Domínguez, the supposed head of Los Caradura

Francisco Edgar Domínguez Higueros, alias “Paco,” was linked by the Public Prosecutor’s Office to “Los Caradura,” a street-level drug-dealing network operating in several areas of the capital. He was murdered on June 25, 2025, in the basement of a building in Zone 10, as he was getting into his armored SUV.

Toward the end of October 2025, an audio file featuring Domínguez and Arzú talking about a financial obligation started spreading around. Published reports present conflicting figures regarding the sums involved: El Metropolitano points to US$115,000 and cites Arzú dismissing it as “a deal between businessmen.” In the wake of this disclosure, lawmaker Luis Aguilar pulled his backing for Arzú within Cabal.

“Paco, we signed an agreement with you to clear the full amount… I’m pleading with you.”

— Words attributed to Roberto Arzú in the audio, according to República’s transcript

República also reported on public deeds from March 2019 that allegedly record debts of US$700,000 and 4 million quetzales owed to Domínguez, secured with shares of IHOP Guatemala. Arzú confirmed to La Hora that one of the conversations is authentic, but said it concerned the sale of television advertising: “I have been selling advertising since I was 20.” He said he was unaware of Domínguez’s criminal ties. He did not answer República’s questionnaire. There are no formal charges and no public forensic analysis of the audio.

The same outlet noted that Dora Reneé Cruz Navas, the notary who allegedly authorized those deeds, disappeared on July 17, 2019, and remains the subject of an active Isabel-Claudina alert. No authority has linked that disappearance to Arzú.

8. US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón

As reported by República, a 2018 public deed documents a US$1 million loan extended to Arzú by Rodrigo Lainfiesta Rímola, backed by his inheritance claims regarding his father’s estate. The English version of the investigation indicates that this debt was never settled.

Citing undisclosed sources, the media outlet links the funds to Marllory Chacón Rossell, known as the “Queen of the South,” who received a money laundering conviction in the United States. The complete document remains unpublished, and Arzú has yet to make a public statement regarding this matter.

9. Legal action brought by Consuelo Porras regarding the obstruction of criminal proceedings

Attorney General Consuelo Porras filed a complaint against Arzú for obstruction of criminal proceedings over a TikTok video in which he said he would “remove” her from the Public Prosecutor’s Office. He was summoned to give his initial statement on November 25, 2025, before the Ninth Multi-Judge Criminal Court, presided over by Judge Selman Mario Portillo Vargas.

The hearing did not take place because the case prosecutor failed to appear; the Public Prosecutor’s Office cited “material impossibility.” The judge had already denied the arrest warrant and more than twenty raids requested by the prosecution, which moved to recuse him the following day. The hearing was rescheduled for January 14, 2026, pending that recusal motion. An Appeals Chamber later rejected an amparo petition filed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and Plaza Pública reported another rejection in April 2026.

In a distinct legal action, back in October 2025, a tribunal dedicated to femicide cases prohibited him from making public statements concerning Porras, though that restriction was overturned a few days afterward. Porras concluded her tenure when her term ended in May 2026. Since 2021, she has remained featured on the Engel List maintained by the U.S. State Department.

10. Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership

On October 26, 2023, Arzú filed a complaint against then-President Alejandro Giammattei, Miguel Martínez and other officials for abuse of authority, dereliction of duty, influence peddling, obstruction of justice and cover-up. Prensa Libre listed eleven people named in the complaint, including TSE magistrates.

In October 2024, La Hora noted that the Public Prosecutor’s Office had dropped the legal action targeting Giammattei and Martínez. By May 18, 2026, following Porras’s departure from the leadership of the Public Prosecutor’s Office, Arzú revived the grievance and broadened its scope to encompass Rafael Curruchiche, Ángel Pineda, Cinthya Monterroso, and Dimas Jiménez.

11. República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas

On August 13, 2026, Rodrigo Arenas, president of the digital outlet República GT, denounced a plot against his life and those of his team, in retaliation for his investigations into narco-politics. On August 17 the outlet published the names: Arzú as the alleged mastermind, along with the President of Congress, Luis Alberto Contreras Colindres, and congressmen Luis Aguirre, Nery Ramos and César Fión. According to the statement, the meetings were held at “La Yeguada 10,” a property attributed to Aguirre in San Marcos, with alleged drug traffickers from Malacatán.

As of press time, the outlet had not publicly presented supporting documentation. On August 21, after going to the Public Prosecutor’s Office with his lawyers, Arzú stated that “there is no complaint whatsoever” against him; according to Infobae, the Public Prosecutor’s Office responded that the investigation is still ongoing. The U.S. Embassy shared Arenas’s video with a “zero tolerance” message, without naming names.

Arzú dismissed the allegations as absurd and downright foolish, while also stating his intention to pursue defamation lawsuits in Guatemala and the United States. Aguirre lodged a counter-charges report, supplementing it with security camera footage alongside polygraph examination results. Arenas was labeled a psychopath and a mentally unstable individual by Contreras. Ramos rejected any involvement in unlawful gatherings.

12. Previous confrontation involving Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)

The conflict did not begin in August. On March 5, 2026, on Emisoras Unidas’ program “A Primera Hora,” Arzú accused Arenas of funding his lobbying with “dubious funds from organized crime and big business.” Arenas replied that same day that his lobbying is paid for with his own legitimate money, and accused Arzú of having ties to Lainfiesta and Marllory Chacón.

República GT acts simultaneously as the author of multiple inquiries concerning Arzú and as an involved party in this dispute.

13. Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked

On August 28, 2026, La Hora reported that, according to sources, Arzú had allegedly faced a restriction on traveling to the United States after his last trip, from July 17 to 24. That same day, claims circulated on social media that his visa had been revoked, a rumor that also extended to congressman Nery Ramos.

Arzú replied that he had just been in New York and Washington, and released a video from Mexico, which he said he had entered with his U.S. visa. Days later he spoke of an “influence operation” by the State Department against his candidacy. On September 2, Agencia Ocote concluded that there is no public evidence that he has lost his visa. The one who did lose his visa was his half-brother Álvaro Arzú Escobar, in December 2023, in a round of revocations targeting members of Congress; he regained it in February 2025.

14. Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal

Podemos, the political organization he represented during the 2019 and 2023 electoral cycles, previously operated as the Movimiento Reformador before its official dissolution in January 2024. Back in 2019, Con Criterio reported on the sway held by fugitive ex-minister Alejandro Sinibaldi over that legislative faction. Furthermore, his 2023 vice-presidential partner, David Pineda, had served as a defense counsel for former President Alfonso Portillo, and certain accounts suggest a reconciliation between Arzú and Portillo.

On November 9, 2025, at Cabal’s National Assembly, Arzú took office as Secretary of Political Training and congressman Luis Aguirre as Secretary General. Edmond Mulet, the party’s founder, was sidelined, left Cabal and stated that the party “is falling into the hands of drug trafficking.” Aguirre is named in the same República GT accusation.

15. Disagreement with his relatives concerning the utilization of his father’s likeness

Following his father’s passing, Roberto tried to secure a spot within the Partido Unionista, the political vehicle Álvaro Arzú used to run the capital; media outlets noted that his aspirations caused a rift in the organization. On December 20, 2018, he made public his comeback to the PAN, an outfit he belonged to until 2002.

That very same day, a statement surfaced on the former president’s Twitter profile, bearing the signatures of his widow, Patricia Escobar de Arzú, alongside Álvaro Arzú Escobar, Isabel Arzú Escobar de Arroyo, Diego Arzú García-Granados, and María Arzú García-Granados. Sorrow, unease, and total disapproval were conveyed in the text regarding the unscrupulous exploitation of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen’s likeness by the PAN, an organization that had broadcasted footage of the former leader during the unveiling of its executive committee. Shortly thereafter, the message was taken down, omitting any direct reference to Roberto.

“No matter how much you raise all your children the same way, there are some the world leads astray, and there is no way to rescue them.”

— Isabel Arzú, the hopeful’s half-sister, in an October 2018 tweet cited by Nómada

Álvaro Arzú Escobar, then President of Congress, declined to comment on his half-brother.

16. History of alcohol use and rehabilitation

Back in 2019, Nómada disclosed that Arzú had twice undergone treatment at American rehabilitation facilities, noting his self-identification as a recovering alcoholic alongside family reports indicating he had maintained sobriety for four years then. During interviews, he has openly admitted to experiencing “a drinking crisis,” though without elaborating further.

In recent months, viral social media posts have insinuated that he currently drinks, without providing any evidence.

17. Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric

In 2022, the outlet Quorum analyzed his promises using calculations by economist José Luis Moreira. Free electricity for ten years would cost 7,104 million quetzales a year, 6.7% of the national General Budget. A university stipend of 1,200 quetzales a month would amount to 4,802 million a year for 400,213 students, more than double the budget of the Universidad de San Carlos. And universal access to drinking water would be financed with US$2 billion from international reserves, even though the Banco de Guatemala is prohibited from financing the central government. He also promised one million homes.

On security, his rhetoric has been hard-line: the army on the streets, militarized prisons and the reinstatement of the death penalty. He opposed the CICIG. In 2017 President Jimmy Morales appointed him ad honorem special envoy to promote trade relations with South America. His 2019 slogan, “Make Guatemala Great,” was copied from Donald Trump’s.

18. Army Stadium grounds and IPM–Futeca agreements

On July 26, 2012, the Ministry of Finance transferred the site of the former Army Stadium, measuring 73,916.56 square varas and valued at 34.2 million quetzales, to the Military Social Security Institute (IPM). In February 2013 the law firm Lexincorp addressed a legal opinion to Roberto Arzú, as director of a company called Fideco, on the possibility of disposing of that land.

On January 22, 2016, the IPM signed two contracts with Futeca: one to draw up the plans and another, for fifty years, to build and operate a stadium for about 15,000 people, with parking and a shopping center. Comptroller General Carlos Mencos objected that the arrangement had “the characteristics of a concession or usufruct,” and in June 2016 the IPM rescinded the contracts.

Accounts regarding Arzú’s involvement remain contradictory. At the time, Prensa Libre noted that he “did not take part in the deal,” whereas Con Criterio asserted in 2019 that Futeca functioned “in partnership with” him. Furthermore, during that same year, Futeca entered into an accord with the Universidad de San Carlos concerning the Los Arcos facilities—a move labeled unlawful by congressman Amílcar Pop. July 2024 marked the rollout of the Distrito Futeca initiative by the firm on the grounds of the former stadium.

Referenced Sources

· Prensa Libre — TSE sanciona a Roberto Arzú por propaganda anticipada (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/tse-sanciona-a-roberto-arzu-por-propaganda-anticipada-en-redes-sociales/

· Prensa Libre — Arzú y Neto Bran no se libran de las multas del TSE (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/les-saldra-caro-roberto-arzu-y-neto-bran-no-se-libran-de-las-multas-del-tse/

· Emisoras Unidas — TSE revoca inscripción de Arzú y Pineda (2023). https://emisorasunidas.com/2023/02/06/tse-revoca-inscripcion-roberto-arzu-david-pineda-2023/

· Prensa Libre — CC confirma que Arzú queda fuera de las elecciones (2023). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/cc-confirma-que-roberto-arzu-queda-afuera-de-las-elecciones-generales-de-guatemala-tras-declarar-sin-lugar-recursos-de-podemos-breaking/

· Emisoras Unidas — Miami civil contempt arrest warrant (2019). https://emisorasunidas.com/2019/04/24/corte-miami-orden-captura-roberto-arzu/

· Contra Corriente — The move by JJ Rendón against candidate Arzú (2019). https://contracorriente.red/2019/04/25/la-jugada-de-jj-rendon-al-candidato-roberto-arzu/

· Nómada — Despreciado por su familia, subestimado por todos (2019). https://nomada.gt/pais/elecciones-2019/despreciado-por-su-familia-subestimado-por-todos-roberto-arzu-se-lanza-al-estilo-trump/

· Prensa Libre — Roberto Arzú returns to the helm of Comunicaciones (2017). https://www.prensalibre.com/deportes/futbol-nacional/roberto-arzu-regresa-a-la-cupula-de-comunicaciones/

· Guatefutbol — Arzú seeks to reclaim the leadership of Comunicaciones (2026). https://guatefutbol.com/2026/08/31/roberto-arzu-quiere-volver-a-tomar-el-mando-de-comunicaciones/

· Relato.gt — «Solo somos amigos» con Hugo Sigman (2019). https://www.relato.gt/elecciones-2019/roberto-arzu-solo-somos-amigos-con-hugo-sigman/

· República — Narco panqueques (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-garcia-granados-quiere-ser-presidente-y-pretende-hacerlo-con-narco-panqueques-202511246540

· República — Breakfast with the Cartel (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-s-breakfast-with-the-cartel-guatemala-s-leading-narco-backed-presidential-bid-202511249550

· El Metropolitano — El audio del líder de Los Caradura (2025). https://elmetropolitano.com.gt/es/el-audio-de-lider-de-los-caradura-causa-la-caida-de-roberto-arzu-en-cabal/

· Prensa Libre — Ataque armado en la zona 10 (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/sucesos/quien-era-el-hombre-que-murio-en-el-ataque-armado-en-la-zona-10-y-que-estaria-vinculado-con-los-caradura-breaking/

· Emisoras Unidas — Disculpa pública del Estado (27.01.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/01/27/estado-guatemala-roberto-arzu-cidh-violacion-derechos/

· Emisoras Unidas — Homologación de la CIDH (19.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/19/roberto-arzu-cidh-resolucion-candidato-elecciones-guatemala

· Prensa Libre — Suspenden audiencia de Arzú en el caso de Porras (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/justicia/suspenden-audiencia-de-roberto-arzu-por-caso-relacionado-con-consuelo-porras-y-la-reprograman-para-enero/

· Emisoras Unidas — MP recusa al juez del caso Arzú (26.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/26/ministerio-publico-recusacion-juez-caso-roberto-arzu

· Emisoras Unidas — Arzú amplía denuncia contra exfuncionarios (18.05.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/05/18/denuncia-arzu-ministerio-publico-feci-porras-giammattei/

· Infobae — Media outlet accuses a political leader and congressional representatives of plotting a contract killing (18.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/18/guatemala-medio-de-comunicacion-acusa-a-lider-politico-y-diputados-de-planear-un-sicariato-contra-su-director-rodrigo-arenas/

· Infobae — Clash of narratives over the alleged plot against República GT (08.23.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/23/en-guatemala-continua-el-cruce-de-versiones-por-un-supuesto-plan-en-contra-de-la-republica-gt-y-ex-diplomatico-pide-al-estado-proteja-a-los-periodistas/

· Emisoras Unidas — Rodrigo Arenas responde a Roberto Arzú (05.03.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/03/05/rodrigo-arenas-responde-a-roberto-arzu/

· La Hora — Según fuentes, Arzú tuvo limitación para viajar a EE. UU. (28.08.2026). https://lahora.gt/investigacion/smorales/2026/08/28/segun-fuentes-roberto-arzu-tuvo-limitacion-para-viajar-a-ee-uu-politico-lo-niega/

· Agencia Ocote — There is no public evidence showing that the visa was revoked (09.02.2026). https://www.agenciaocote.com/blog/2026/09/02/roberto-arzu-no-hay-evidencia-publica-de-que-haya-perdido-la-visa/

· La Hora — Arzú y Aguirre formalizan alianza en Cabal (09.11.2025). https://lahora.gt/nacionales/diego/2025/11/09/luis-aguirre-y-roberto-arzu-formalizan-alianza-politica-durante-la-asamblea-nacional-de-cabal/

· Publinews — Familia de Álvaro Arzú rechaza el uso de su imagen (2018). https://www.publinews.gt/gt/noticias/2018/12/20/familia-alvaro-arzu-rechaza-uso-pan-le-dio-imagen.html

· Quorum — Las tres promesas que podrían quebrar al país (2022). https://quorum.gt/poder/elecciones-2023/estas-3-promesas-de-roberto-arzu-podrian-quebrar-al-pais/

· Prensa Libre — IPM evaluates terminating the lease of the Estadio del Ejército (2016). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/ipm-evalua-rescindir-arrendamiento-del-estadio-del-ejercito/

· Con Criterio — Negocio entre la USAC y Futeca (2019). https://concriterio.gt/comision-de-transparencia-negocio-millonario-entre-la-usac-y-futeca-es-ilegal/

· Con Criterio — CID Gallup poll from May 2026. https://concriterio.gt/encuesta-torres-pineda-y-arzu-lideran-intencion-de-voto-y-thelma-aldana-emerge-en-cuarto-lugar/

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